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flirt vodka ukrainian

This paper aims to explore ambivalence in Ukraine as a socio-political a sentence without a dirty word or endure a day without a bottle of vodka. In , at the height of Ukraine's flirt with NATO, as many as 38% respondents were in favor. Ukraine International Airlines business class seats we were stuck on for the next 10+ hours, I wasn't in a position to turn down alcohol. .. Ah! To be in my 20's again, back in the early s, when flirting with the male. This is a list of brands of vodka. Vodka is a distilled beverage composed primarily of water and . Soyuz-Viktan (Союз-Віктан, СВ, SV), Ukraine, Wheat.

A few minutes later we began our pushback. Our taxi took about 10 minutes, and I enjoyed the views, given that it was a nice evening and the sun was starting to set.

Holding short of runway Kiev Airport Taking off Kiev Airport Our initial climb out was smooth, and I enjoyed the views of the Ukrainian countryside as we climbed out. View after takeoff from Kiev Airport View after takeoff from Kiev Airport The seatbelt sign was turned off five minutes after takeoff, just after we climbed above an initial layer of clouds. View after takeoff from Kiev After takeoff the airshow began to be displayed on the overhead monitor.

Unfortunately that only displayed for a couple of hours of the flight, as they otherwise showed movies, and in the middle of the flight turned it off altogether, so that people could sleep.

Airshow enroute to New York Just 20 minutes after takeoff, one of the business class flight attendants came through the cabin to introduce herself and take meal orders.

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She introduced herself as Yulia, and said her colleague working with her in business class was Victoria. The problem was that there was a bit of a communication barrier, so many of the non-Ukrainian passengers had a hard time understanding her. Meal orders being taken after takeoff Warm towels were distributed about 20 minutes after meal orders were taken.

UIA business class hot towels At 5: UIA business class lunch service — nuts and drinks to start 15 minutes later tablecloths were brought out. Service began with a salad and some bread. The salad was not especially good, as you could have probably guessed based on the below picture.

I was excited they had pretzel bread, though it ended up tasting pretty stale. UIA business class lunch — salad and bread Once the salad was cleared we were served the appetizer. While there was supposed to be a choice of starters, they were out of one option when they got to us, so we had the salmon starter with parmesan cheese and mango, which was fairly good.

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UIA business class champagne For the main course there was the choice between chicken baked in almond flakes or salmon with vegetables. I had the salmon againwhich was dry and not very good. UIA business class lunch main course — salmon Tiffany had the chicken.

UIA business class lunch main course — chicken After that we were offered coffee. I ordered a coffee with milk, though unfortunately the coffee tasted powdered. UIA business class lunch dessert UIA business class lunch dessert The meal service was done 2hr20min after takeoff, meaning we had another eight hours to go.

UIA business class inflight entertainment UIA business class inflight entertainment Given the configuration, the seats recline into the space of the passenger seated behind you. UIA business class legroom with seats in front reclined Below you can see just how far the seat reclined. UIA business class seat recline Somehow I managed to fall asleep even though I usually struggle sleeping when not in a bedand when I woke up I was hoping we were almost there.

Nope, as it turned out I had napped for 90 minutes, meaning we had more than six hours to go. I worked for a couple of hours on my laptop, though eventually that was close to dying as well.

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So at that point I sort of just sat there and twiddled my thumbs. About three hours before landing I was offered a cheese plate. I had a glass of water to accompany it. UIA business class midflight snack — cheese plate The screen was turned off for about four hours in the middle of the flight, presumably so that people could sleep without being disturbed by the light.

Airshow over North America At that point the pre-landing meal service began, starting with a warm towel. UIA business class hot towel This time around the meal was served on a tray, without a tablecloth on the tray table. The starter options were salted salmon or roast beef with cream cheese. Again, they were out of the roast beef, so the only option was salmon. Government pressure on the political opposition, their supporters and sympathizers, and on the members of electoral commissions has been extremely strong, especially in certain regions, small towns and villages.

Many people have been blackmailed and intimidated by officials or even harassed and beaten-up by unidentified civilians.

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On election day, in some eastern Ukrainian regions the paramilitary groups went from poll station to poll station openly, attacking opposition members and sympathizers in the presence of police forces.

In one way or another, the authorities obstructed every other electoral meeting held by oppositional candidates.

Having monopolized all the TV channels and virtually all the newspapers, the government and pro-government oligarchs launched an extremely filthy disinformation campaign against opposition leaders, particularly Victor Yushchenko and Yulia Tymoshenko.

With little chance of success in western and central Ukraine, Kuchma and his supporters decided to make a last stand in the more sovietized and russophone Donbass and other eastern Ukrainian oblasts. Three more percent have probably been stolen from Yushchenko by various manoeuvres during voting and ballot counting.

The data appears reliable since both exit polls and parallel vote counting confirm it. These results could indeed be seen as a triumph of the nascent Ukrainian democracy or, at least, as a clear sign that Ukrainian society is becoming more politically mature and less susceptible to official manipulations and propagandistic brainwashing.

However, the election results in the majority constituencies leave much less room for optimism. There are many reasons for this electoral twist: Firstly, local authorities have more incentives to promote specific pro-government candidates in the majority constituencies rather than campaigning for some abstract party list.

And of course, the candidates promote themselves much more actively than the party they represent. And secondly, people depend much more on the individual candidates personally, since it is at their discretion that decisions are made to bring gas to their district, give new jobs in the local factory, pay pension arrears, or purchase some urgently needed equipment for the local hospital.

Leonid Kuchma proved to be a perspicacious politician. One may easily calculate that if the proportional system had been adopted, the opposition parties could have created an anti-oligarchic majority in parliament even without the communists. Western Ukraine tends to support democratic parties and their candidates in both proportional nationwide voting and head-to-head contest in local districts. Irrespective of the electoral system, these people would always elect more or less the same parliament.

Southern and eastern Ukraine tends to support kuchmists and communists in both the proportional and the majority framework. Their parliament would also be more or less the same regardless of the electoral system. Resistance is growing in strength. There are many signs that since the ruling regime is gradually loosing ground in central Ukraine, in order to maintain its power base it is moving east into the heavily sovietized regions of traditional communist domination.

This move might result in the eventual marginalization and decline of the semi-authoritarian system of government in Ukraine or, vice versa, it might lead to a brutal totalitarian restoration. But in Donetsk the authorities do not even appear to bother with appearances. These are the people who are the main bulwark of the declining president, his most reliable long-term partners.

They used violence, bribery, intimidation, and electoral fraud: But even in this respect, Donetsk is an exceptional case in point. If all the other political forces, clans, and individuals do not fully apprehend this danger, it might turn into reality. Our Ukraine won in 14 regions center and westthe Communist Party in nine south and eastthe Socialist Party in one Poltava.

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The authorities must indeed sorely want to generalize the Donetsk and prison-army pattern to Ukraine as a whole. This scenario will not appear so far-fetched if we remember the presidentials, or if we just refer back to the alleged conversations between president Kuchma and his aides, as revealed by his former guard Mykola Melnychenko. Kuchma speaking over the phone to Interior Minister Yuriy Kravchenko: Azarov [head of the National Tax Service] is here.

This is the mechanism at work here. They have a case on virtually every collective farm head. They have to be collected in every rayon, so that every militia head and tax service head… And say: The first is a permissive attitude of state authorities towards corruption. In Ukraine, corruption and illegality among the elite were accepted, condoned, and even encouraged by the top leadership, resulting in a general condition of impunity. The second element is extensive state surveillance.

Even as the violation of the law is encouraged, the state or rather the surveillance organs controlled by the President continues to monitor and collect information on such illegal activities. Thanks to the surveillance organs, the state amasses a stockpile of files and criminal cases documenting the wrongdoings of office-holders as well as private actors. When compliance with state directives is required, this information is used for blackmail, with payment exacted — not in cash, but in political obedience.

The president and his team gain power, the oligarchs gain wealth, the press is controlled, and the masses are threatened, fragmented, and repressed. In this manner, the informal mechanisms of state control continue to be sustained, and graft is unlikely to be eradicated so long as it remains an essential tool of rule.

In fact, Darden very aptly describes one Ukraine, but tends to ignore the other. And finally, there is one more player on the Ukrainian scene who can metaphorically be called international civil society and international public opinion. International government and non-government organizations try to encourage Ukrainian politics and economy towards a greater transparency and at the same time to dissuade authoritarian tendencies.

Having obtained an impressive victory in the nationwide vote, democratic forces sustained a no less significant defeat in the majority constituencies. Victor Yushchenko and his Our Ukraine coalition constitute a serious threat to the stagnant post-soviet regime. There is every reason to believe that he will remain the main target for attack by pro-presidential forces from present until the eve of the presidential elections.

The main objectives of the anti-Yushchenko strategy are clear: We shall see what kind of strategy Victor Yushchenko and his team will implement, given that their media access will be limited by the authorities, and to what degree the Ukrainian voters will submit to government brainwashing. Tr nsit online, Nr. This work may be used, with this header included, for noncommercial purposes. No copies of this work may be distributed electronically, in whole or in part, without written permission from Transit.

The recent survey confirms these findings indirectly: See Dzerkalo tyzhnia, 23 Septemberp. Yevgeniy Golovakha, Transformiruyushcheyesia obshchestvo. Opyt sociologicheskogo monitoringa v Ukraine. Institute of Sociology,p.

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All these results largely correlate with subsequent sociological findings. See Den, 24 Julyp. Politychnyi portret Ukrayiny, no. Democratic Initiatives Center,pp. Den, 16 Julyp. The Economist, 4 Februaryp. Yuriy Andrukhovych, Krytyka, vol. The most extensive and impartial account of the election violations can be found at the web-site of the Committee of Ukrainian Electors, one a few major NGOs that had monitored the election campaign in virtually every region, due to financial and technical assistance of TACIS and some other international organizations.

The colourful map of Ukraine that reflects the results of the voting in each region is available at www. See also Dzerkalo tyzhnia, 6—13 April ; http: