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The question is not who was the first or last, but the one who made the (Vice President) presence as opposed to Danquah's association with it. In fact The idea that Nkrumah refused to meet Mandela because the ANC was. Samia Yaba Christina Nkrumah (born 23 June ) is a Ghanaian politician and chairperson She was forced to leave Ghana with her mother and brothers on the day of the military The Huffingtonpost: "The new Mandela is Woman". Citifmonline: "Samia Nkrumah meets Nobel Peace Laureates in the USA". This network of African solidarity was not necessarily coordinated and .. of Leaders of Nationalist Organisations of Dependent African States, held . Mandela from meeting with Nkrumah during Mandela's trip through Africa.
The Monrovian blocled by Senghor of Senegalfelt that unity should be achieved gradually, through economic cooperation. It did not support the notion of a political federation. Its other members were NigeriaLiberiaEthiopia and most of the former French colonies.
Some of the initial discussions took place at SanniquellieLiberia. The dispute was eventually resolved when Ethiopian emperor Haile Selassie I invited the two groups to Addis Ababawhere the OAU and its headquarters were subsequently established. The Charter of the Organisation was signed by 32 independent African states.
At the time of the OAU's disbanding, 53 out of the 54 African states were members; Morocco left on 12 November following the admission of the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic as the government of Western Sahara in Criticism and praises[ edit ] The organisation was widely derided as a bureaucratic "talking shop" with little power.
It struggled to enforce its decisions, and its lack of armed force made intervention exceedingly difficult. Civil wars in Nigeria and Angola continued unabated for years, and the OAU could do nothing to stop them.
The policy of non-interference in the affairs of member states also limited the effectiveness of the OAU. For as one J. Maketo of Southern Rhodesia explained in a letter to the Bureau's director A. Yet out of fear of incarceration and of the loss of his teaching position, he had been unable to publicly announce his support for the party. As in other anti-colonial centres like Cairo and Dar es Sa-laam, though, expatriates living in Ghana often found it difficult to adjust to or make a living within their host country, particularly as interpersonal and inter-agency rivalries within their host's political administration often slowed the distribution of services to those most in need.
During this time, exiled leaders and Freedom Fighters were regularly carted before the public in party rallies.
Nkrumah’s, Not Danquah’s, Vision Decolonized South Africa! | Opinions
Likewise, their exploits dotted the pages of state-run and party newspapers, while the military, ideological and logistical training they received in government-run training camps assured the Nkrumah administration that it was playing an active role in the continued liberation and eventual unification of the continent at large.
Even more importantly, Accra's Freedom Fighters and expatriates helped colour the ways in which Nkrumah and others in his government understood the many-headed hydra of colonial and anti-colonial politics on the continent, the settler situation in southern Africa and their place in the bifurcating world of the Cold War.
Ghana, Southern African and the Boycott As international attention to the problem of apartheid intensified in the years between andSouth African activists and exiles emerged as one of the most prominent groups of expatriates in the Accra Freedom Fighter community and, in so doing, injected the city's anti-colonial politics with a series of conflicts and debates linked to the internal South African political scene. In a continent seemingly undergoing a rapid political and social transformation, the racialized rhetoric and policies of the South African apartheid state appeared anachronistic.
Both in South Africa and internationally, activists responded to the policies of the apartheid regime with public protests, rallies and newspaper campaigns. In the United Kingdom, for instance, the economic boycott emerged as the preferred tool of protest for the British Left.
This intransigence, Scott asserted, required a co-ordinated effort among Africa's independent states as they attempted to pressure the international community into isolating and ostracizing the Pretoria government.
According to Scott, Ghana and West Africa more broadly were to 'set an example [for the world] by boycotting South African foodstuffs, eggs, tinned fruit, wine, and other products from the Union. We are on the offensive and we are fighting on a battlefield chosen by ourselves, based on our own strength. Frustrated by what they saw as the ANC's misguided faith in multi-racialism, the leaders of the newly formed PAC set their sights on building relationships with anti-colonial nationalists and pan-Africanist radicals in other parts of the continent.
Rather, PAC leaders viewed it as a passive and ultimately ineffectual response to the white-run government. At the AAPC, the continent's nationalist leaders had unequivocally supported the action with the Conference's governing body writing the boycott into the event's resolutions. The Nkrumah government, however, hedged its bets as international interests and instrumental concerns subverted anti-colonial activism and perceived burgeoning continental solidarity.
Seeking to soften his image outside of Africa from that of a radical revolutionary to one of a responsible statesman, Nkrumah appeared to many to have sided with the British and American governments in debates over the 'South African Question'. Suggesting at the Commonwealth Prime Ministers' Conference that key international forums such as Commonwealth meetings were not ideal for debates over apartheid, Nkrumah promoted a passive approach in dealing with the South African govern-ment, one that emphasized the international collective's ability to encourage the apartheid regime into a gradual softening of its policies.
Rapid development and industrial modernization was integral to the envisioned Nkrumahist way of life. Inside Ghana, Nkrumah envisaged a wholesale re-invention of Ghanaian industry, commerce and infrastructure. Still unrivalled today, his plans included investments in transportation, electrification, telecommunication, agriculture, education and healthcare.
This state-run infrastructural and industrial program was to fuel economic expansion and ensure the country's political and economic independence. Furthermore, the hallmark of Nkrumah's development agenda - the Volta River Project - was inextricably linked to British and, afterAmerican capital. Initially conceived as a joint British-Gold Coast endeavour, the Volta River Project aimed to dam Ghana's largest river and, in so doing, electrify large swaths of West Africa, transform Ghana into a leader in the international aluminium market and create the world's largest man-made lake.
Over the next several years, a 'cat and mouse game' developed between Nkrumah and his American benefactors as Nkrumah sought to secure the promised investment with a public moderation of key aspects of his anti-colonial and international agenda.
Barden complained in his post-Conference report to Nkrumah. Barden continued by explaining, 'I feel that in order to uphold the envious prestige of Ghana in its relentless fight for independence for dependent African countries this matter should be given further consideration'.
Organisation of African Unity
The 'internationalisa-tion' of the boycott was thus vital to the future of South Africa, the author argued, for a 'full' and 'total' boycott would strike at the heart of all of the apartheid state's most ardent supporters: As such, the author called upon the Ghanaian government to offer 'immediate support from all unofficial sources for the boycott' and, within six months, to announce its official support and participation in the protest movement.
Additionally, the author insisted that any attempt to establish diplomatic relations with the South African regime should be reconsidered so that Ghana may lead a 'diplomatic offensive' against the apartheid government in Accra and in the United Nations. Key South African goods were banned from importation, curiously including the prominent anti-apartheid Drum magazine.
Additionally, South African nationals were required to denounce the apartheid regime prior to entering the country. Philips - a white South African professor at the University College of Ghana - for instance, was given special dispensation to return to the country in August in order to settle his affairs despite being 'unable to make the declaration against apartheid'. Characterizing the PAC as a party comprised of 'radicals' and 'extremists', Hutchinson presented the longstanding ANC as South Africa's sole responsible alternative; it was only the ANC, he and others suggested, that was ready and willing to work with anyone - African, European, or otherwise - committed to advancing the South African struggle.
On 21 Marchduring an anti-pass rally organized by the PAC, South African police officials opened fire on a crowd of unarmed protesters in the township of Sharpeville, killing sixty-nine people and wounding approximately two hundred others.
The international response to the incident was vehement. Even some of the South African government's most reliable allies felt as if they had no choice but to reproach the apartheid regime. Speaking from Washington, for instance, the Eisenhower administration's Director of the Office of News, Lincoln White, insisted - albeit to the furore of the President himself - that the 'United States deplores violence in all its forms' and that 'it cannot help but regret the tragic loss of life resulting from the measures taken against the demonstrators in South Africa'.
Inside Ghana, the events in Sharpeville came at a time when the Nkrumah government was finalizing preparations for the Positive Action Conference in Accra. The conference, named after Nkrumah's own evolving philosophy of nonviolent resistance, was to co-ordinate and organize nationalists and the Accra-based Freedom Fighter community around issues including French nuclear testing in the Sahara, the French-Algerian War and the continued need to educate the African populace in the promises of African unity.
As a result, in the two and half weeks between Sharpeville and the early April conference, the Nkrumah-led Convention People's Party CPP inundated the Ghanaian press with stories of the massacre and of rallies protesting the violence of the apartheid regime. Political cartoonist 'Samco', publishing in the 26 March edition of the party-run Evening News, perhaps best illustrated the Ghanaian interpretation of apartheid post-Sharpeville.
His cartoon featured an image of a minister and settlers shooting at black South Africans under the caption: In earlyhis faith in the 'Ghana-ian' model of decolonization was already beginning to sour.
In Nkrumah's mind, as the so-called 'Year of Africa' began to take shape, political compromise and negotiation were proving too uncertain a path to the political independence the Ghanaian leader desired. This was particularly evident in his view of Francophone Africa, where Nkrumah believed that a set of puppet governments controlled from Paris were subverting the nationalist ambitions of the countries' 'true' anti-colonial parties.
As a result, questions of neo-colonialism, foreign subversion, sabotage and political infiltration dominated the Nkrumahist scene in the first years of the new decade. In response to this uncertain future, the Nkrumah administration intensified its policing of political dissidents and began its exploration into the possibilities and promise of the one-party state. Among the ANC elite, few felt comfortable with the changes taking place in their West African host country.
Furthermore, many chided, if not outright ridiculed, the cult of personality that was developing around Nkrumah. Despite periodic frustrations with the Ghanaian establishment, the PAC retained its commitment to the Ghanaian anti-colonial scene. Unfortunately for the South African 'Africanists' though, the freighter never arrived at its destination on the Transkei coast as, according to former PAC activist Bernard Leeman, it was widely believed to have been sold for profit by a corrupt PAC official prior to its arrival.
Throughout the continent, Nkrumah preached the edict of 'Africa for Africans'.Great and Historic African Speeches 2: Kwame Nkrumah “We must Unite or Perish”
Both South African parties surely agreed with this principle, yet the PAC articulated its demands in a way that resonated more forcefully with the Nkrumahist administration. Having little experience with the phenomenon of 'the settler', the question of who was 'African' was clear from the perspective of Accra; the 'African' in South Africa was black; even the South African Coloured community's position remained ambiguous in the Ghanaian imagination.
More to the point though, Afrikaner, English and other Europeans' claims to an 'African-ness' were suspect at best for the Ghanaians and, in terms of the country's 'decolonization', had to remain understated. The ANC may not have disagreed, yet the more nuanced, multi-racial approach it took to the South African situation fell on deaf ears in a radicalizing Ghana as the Nkrumah regime failed to appreciate the social and racial dimensions of what a liberated South Africa would look like.
The PAC, in contrast, offered a clearer view of a future South Africa, at least from the perspective of Accra, as it combined an unabashed pan-African racial philosophy with a willingness to speak to questions of neo-colonialism and even tolerate the at times unpleasant steps required to fight against it at home and abroad.
Even as the PAC - like its ANC rivals - shifted its political gaze towards the extra-metropolitan hotspots of the southeast, the PAC maintained and continued to cultivate its relationship with the Accra government up until the coup overthrowing the Nkrumah regime. Ghana, South African and Southern Rhodesia From the perspective of Accra, the post-Sharpeville world required a new, more forceful approach to not only the South African problem, but that of all of southern Africa.
Inside South Africa, the apartheid government responded to the incident in Sharpeville with a radical crackdown on African political activities in the country.
Organisation of African Unity - Wikipedia
Those who remained often became embroiled in leadership disputes and personal conflicts that threatened the continued viability of the anti-apartheid movement, particularly within the PAC.
As Scott Thomas argues, by March the remaining ANC leadership had realized that, with the PAC's persistent attempts 'to vilify and belittl[e]' the movement, the alliance proved un-sustainable. According to Thomas, it was generally felt that the PAC simply needed the time and space to assert its own identity on the political stage.
On the continental level, worries over apartheid's possible spread grew. In South West Africa, for instance, a search for more efficient methods by which to control the mandate's African population paved the way for a new set of ethnically and racially engineered land reform projects in the early and mids. The so-called 'March of 7,' from Highfield to Salisbury had elicited a vitriolic reaction from the Southern Rhodesian government, leading to the passage of the Law and Order Maintenance Act later that year.
Not only did the Act promise to bring multi-year imprisonments to those engaged in nearly all forms of political protest, the Act also gave the Attorney-General the right to appeal for harsher punishments if he saw fit. Kwame Nkrumah has posthumously been awarded the following awards in recognition of his contributions to decolonizing South Africa among others:: Alexander Asum-Ahensen, the then Minister of Chieftaincy and Culture who received the award on behalf of the Ghanaian Government, had this to say: Kwame Nkrumah in the independence of most African countries could not be under-estimated.
Enoch Ampofo, who represented event organizers, learned this fact in South Africa and had this to say: Kwame Nkrumah has affected the lives of people in South Africa, I found out that back in the days of Apartheid, the oppressed people went to school and were taught about the principles of Kwame Nkrumah or Nkrumahism.
Zizwe Poe, one of America's leading Nkrumah scholars.
These achievements are unparalleled in Ghana's or Africa's entire political history: Is it not a shameful irony that all the intellectual attention, all the major scholarly books and essays on Pan-Africanism dedicate mountain of pages upon pages to Nkrumah, his Pan-Africanist vision and unique place in Africa's decolonization, where Danquah even in his finest tangential moments in African history dare not tread?
To wit, Danquah could never fill Nkrumah's Pan-Africanist shoes no matter how that unrecognized history is exaggerated, multiplied, and embellished! Nkrumah was and still is synonymous with Pan-Africanism, Africa's decolonization, and the continent Africa itself! Still, primordiality only matters as far as chronological age goes in many a situation.
It is however meaningless and useless when it does not impact humanity in any meaningful way. Danquah is an appendage to that larger focus and authority of global history. Danquah's failure to win a single election in his own backyard, Akyem Abuakwa Central, speaks to the emotional paucity of his Pan-Africanist credentials. His consistent failures to unite his own people behind him represent a serious critique or indictment of an individual who claimed, or so claimed by his Confederate apologists, to have dabbled in Pan-Africanism.
Charity, they say, begins at home.