American Rhetoric: Movie Speech from Meet Joe Black- William Parrish 65th Birthday Party Speech
And the eighth and final rule: If this is your first night at Fight Club, you have to fight. . cat and the courageous dog with the celebrity voices meet for the first time in . jailed by the acting police after Seven Years in Tibet, Meet Joe Black, etc. etc. . "We had some great choreographers on the fight scene once we got into the. The New Frontier; Speech to the Greater Houston Ministerial . Only the very courageous will be able to keep alive the spirit of individualism and In whatever area in life one may meet the challenges of courage, whatever may be the But however close we sometimes seem to that dark and final abyss, let no . Ending a lengthy legal battle, officials in Boyd County, Ky., agree to allow a gay- straight alliance club to meet at Boyd County High School. In a stunningly good.
This tiger has other ideas. In a democracyevery citizen, regardless of his interest in politics'hold office'; everyone of us is in a position of responsibility ; and, in the final analysis, the kind of government we get depends upon how we fulfill those responsibilities. We, the peopleare the boss, and we will get the kind of political leadershipbe it good or bad, that we demand and deserve.
In a world of danger and trial, peace is our deepest aspiration … But it is an unfortunate fact that we can secure peace only by preparing for war. The courage of life is often a less dramatic spectacle than the courage of a final moment ; but it is no less a magnificent mixture of triumph and tragedy. A man does what he must — in spite of personal consequencesin spite of obstacles and dangersand pressures — and that is the basis of all human morality.
Things don't just happen, they are made to happen. The world was not meant to be a prison in which man awaits his execution.
Pre[ edit ] War will exist until that distant day when the conscientious objector enjoys the same reputation and prestige that the warrior does today.
Kennedy in the White Houseby Arthur Schlesinger, p. He had boundless ambition for his country which rendered him a menace to the peace of the worldbut he had a mystery about him in the way that he lived and in the manner of his death that will live and grow after him.
He had in him the stuff of which legends are made. After visiting such Nazi strongholds as were found in Berchtesgaden and Kehlsteinhaus ; Personal diary 1 August ; published in Prelude to Leadership If more politicians knew poetryand more poets knew politicsI am convinced the world would be a little better place in which to live.
Kennedy Presidential Library Let us not despair but act. Let us not seek the Republican answer or the Democratic answer but the right answer. Let us not seek to fix the blame for the past — let us accept our own responsibility for the future. Kennedy Presidential Library In the Chinese language, the word "crisis" is composed of two characters, one representing danger and the other, opportunity.
Kennedy Papers, John F. Kennedy Presidential Library The voters selected us, in short, because they had confidence in our judgement and our ability to exercise that judgement from a position where we could determine what were their own best interest, as a part of the nation's interest.
Profiles in Couragep. We, the people, are the boss, and we will get the kind of political leadership, be it good or bad, that we demand and deserve. The courage of life is often a less dramatic spectacle than the courage of a final moment; but it is no less a magnificent mixture of triumph and tragedy.
A man does what he must — in spite of personal consequences, in spite of obstacles and dangers, and pressures — and that is the basis of all human morality. In whatever area in life one may meet the challenges of courage, whatever may be the sacrifices he faces if he follows his conscience — the loss of his friends, his fortune, his contentment, even the esteem of his fellow men — each man must decide for himself the course he will follow. The stories of past courage can define that ingredient — they can teach, they can offer hope, they can provide inspiration.
But they cannot supply courage itself. For this each man must look into his own soul. What they did to him in the Helen Gahagan Douglas race was disgusting. As quoted in Kennedy and Nixon by Christopher Matthews, p. Kennedy Presidential Library President Roosevelt and President Truman and President Eisenhower had the same experiencethey all made the effort to get along with the Russians.
But every time, finally it failed. And the reason it failed was because the Communists are determined to destroy us, and regardless of what hand of friendship we may hold out or what arguments we may put up, the only thing that will make that decisive difference is the strength of the United States.
I do not mean 'first, when'. I do not mean 'first, if'.
Fight Club (film) - Wikiquote
I mean 'first — period'. Kennedy Presidential Library In a world of danger and trial, peace is our deepest aspiration, and when peace comes we will gladly convert not our swords into plowshares, but our bombs into peaceful reactors, and our planes into space vessels. But it is an unfortunate fact that we can secure peace only by preparing for war. That requires only one kind of defense policy, a policy summed up in a single word "first.
My call is to those who believe in the future.
Senate Judiciary Meeting on Brett Kavanaugh Nomination
Speech at Civic Auditorium, Seattle, Washington 6 September We are a great and strong country — perhaps the greatest and strongest in the history of the world. But greatness and strength are not our natural right. They are not gifts which are automatically ours forever. It took toil and courage and determination to build this country — and it will take those same qualities if we are to maintain it.
For, although a country may stand still, history never stands still. And I know that Americans today are tired of standing still — and that we do not intend to be left behind. But effort and courage are not enough without purpose and direction. The age of Pericles was also the age of Phidias. The age of Lorenzo de Medici was also the age of Leonardo da Vinci. The age of Elizabeth was also the age of Shakespeare. If by a "Liberal" they mean someone who looks ahead and not behind, someone who welcomes new ideas without rigid reactions, someone who cares about the welfare of the people — their health, their housing, their schools, their jobs, their civil rights, and their civil liberties — someone who believes we can break through the stalemate and suspicions that grip us in our policies abroad, if that is what they mean by a "Liberal," then I'm proud to say I'm a "Liberal.
Kennedy upon Accepting the Liberal Party Nomination for President Their platform, made up of left-over Democratic planks, has the courage of our old convictions. Their pledge is a pledge to the status quo — and today there can be no status quo. Address Accepting the Democratic Party Nomination for the Presidency of the United States — Memorial Coliseum, Los Angeles 15 July If this nation is to be wise as well as strong, if we are to achieve our destiny, then we need more new ideas for more wise men reading more good books in more public libraries.
These libraries should be open to all — except the censor. We must know all the facts and hear all the alternatives and listen to all the criticisms.
Let us welcome controversial books and controversial authors. For the Bill of Rights is the guardian of our security as well as our liberty. Saturday Review 29 Octoberp. This is extremely serious. I think the fate not only of our own civilization, but I think the fate of world and the future of the human race, is involved in preventing a nuclear war.
Third Nixon-Kennedy Presidential Debate 13 October We have all seen these circus elephants complete with tusks, ivory in their head and thick skins, who move around the circus ring and grab the tail of the elephant ahead of them.
Kennedy Presidential Library I can assure you that every degree of mind and spirit that I possess will be devoted to the long-range interests of the United States and to the cause of freedom around the world. The old era is ending. The old ways will not do. It is a time, in short, for a new generation of leadership.
We can have faith in the future only if we have faith in ourselves. Are we up to the task — are we equal to the challenge? Are we willing to match the Russian sacrifice of the present for the future — or must we sacrifice our future in order to enjoy the present? That is the question of the New Frontier.
But I think the American people expect more from us than cries of indignation and attack. The times are too grave, the challenge too urgent, and the stakes too high — to permit the customary passions of political debate. We are not here to curse the darkness, but to light the candle that can guide us through that darkness to a safe and sane future.
As Winston Churchill said on taking office some twenty years ago: Today our concern must be with that future. For the world is changing.
Today some would say that those struggles are all over — that all the horizons have been explored — that all the battles have been won — that there is no longer an American frontier.
John F. Kennedy
But I trust that no one in this vast assemblage will agree with those sentiments. For the problems are not all solved and the battles are not all won — and we stand today on the edge of a New Frontier — the frontier of the 's — a frontier of unknown opportunities and perils — a frontier of unfulfilled hopes and threats.
Woodrow Wilson 's New Freedom promised our nation a new political and economic framework. Franklin Roosevelt 's New Deal promised security and succor to those in need. But the New Frontier of which I speak is not a set of promises — it is a set of challenges.
It sums up not what I intend to offer the American people, but what I intend to ask of them. It appeals to their pride, not to their pocketbook — it holds out the promise of more sacrifice instead of more security. But I tell you the New Frontier is here, whether we seek it or not. Beyond that frontier are the uncharted areas of science and space, unsolved problems of peace and war, unconquered pockets of ignorance and prejudice, unanswered questions of poverty and surplus.
It would be easier to shrink back from that frontier, to look to the safe mediocrity of the past, to be lulled by good intentions and high rhetoric — and those who prefer that course should not cast their votes for me, regardless of party.
But I believe the times demand new invention, innovation, imagination, decision.Meet Joe Black Ending
I am asking each of you to be pioneers on that New Frontier. My call is to the young in heart, regardless of age — to all who respond to the Scriptural call: And the only valid test of leadership is the ability to lead, and lead vigorously.
There may be those who wish to hear more — more promises to this group or that — more harsh rhetoric about the men in the Kremlin — more assurances of a golden future, where taxes are always low and subsidies ever high. But my promises are in the platform you have adopted — our ends will not be won by rhetoric and we can have faith in the future only if we have faith in ourselves.
For the harsh facts of the matter are that we stand on this frontier at a turning-point in history. We must prove all over again whether this nation — or any nation so conceived — can long endure — whether our society — with its freedom of choiceits breadth of opportunity, its range of alternatives — can compete with the single-minded advance of the Communist system.
Can a nation organized and governed such as ours endure? That is the real question. Have we the nerve and the will? Can we carry through in an age where we will witness not only new breakthroughs in weapons of destruction — but also a race for mastery of the sky and the rain, the ocean and the tides, the far side of space and the inside of men's minds?
That is the choice our nation must make — a choice that lies not merely between two men or two parties, but between the public interest and private comfort — between national greatness and national decline — between the fresh air of progress and the stale, dank atmosphere of "normalcy" — between determined dedication and creeping mediocrity.
Fincher is a vulgar, flashy film-maker he directed Seven and The Game who doesn't so much make films as take them, the way we refer to a photographer taking, rather than making, photographs: The French, as usual, coined the perfect expression for this style: He's a sharp scriptwriter, however, and Norton's omnipresent voice-off narration, coupled with the subject's sociological relevance cf Susan Faludi's new book Stiffed: The Betrayal of the American Maninitially sucks one in.
Fight Club starts out funny. The first 30 minutes are overwhelmingly perfect. Like the beginning of American Beauty, the opening sequence whirls you through time, taking you in and out of the narrator's Norton's yuppie disillusionment. Poor Edward Norton--his character isn't even given a name.
Senate Judiciary Meeting on Brett Kavanaugh Nomination
For good reason, since his identity consists of what furniture to buy, what shoes match his suit, and which dinette set best fits his non-existent personality. In this yuppie's life, IKEA is synonymous with orgasm. Brad Pitt takes on the challenging role of this American psycho-- a soap salesman who lives as a squatter, steals a sportscar one day and ditches it the next, and takes random nightshift jobs to survive.
Tyler wants "freedom" from yuppie existence and he makes it a point to obliterate any rules with which he comes in contact--he pees in customers' food, inserts frames of nudity into family films at random movie theaters, and, of course, starts a Fight Club with Norton. It happens in a matter of seconds.
He asks Norton to hit him as hard as he can and--bam! The opening of Fight Club makes it clear that the movie's a satire. It's supposed to be a biting mockery of yuppie angst. The problem, unfortunately, is that Fincher completely underestimates Edward Norton as an actor. If Fight Club is to be a successful satire, the audience can't fall in love with Norton's narrator.
We shouldn't see him as the righteous crusader, the man who can do no wrong. Because when we take every punch Norton takes, we lose our sense of detachment. We lose that ironic distance--the distance that makes a movie like American Beauty such a compelling psychological portrait.
There's no seeing the forest from the trees here because of Norton's intensity and ability to elicit endless empathy.
We're his unconditional ally. But after being pummeled by Fight Club into bloody submission, we're just begging for mercy and an ending that will leave our senses --not our intellect--intact.
But there's one other glaring flaw. Unfortunately, it's an actor. Can you guess who it is? The guy has no range. He just yells when he's trying to be profound and adds a slight stutter when he's trying to be subtle. Pitt tries so damn hard not to be a pretty face, but he spends half the movie flexing his muscles and tearing off his shirt.
And worst of all, he's self-conscious! Despite his posing, he's not a confident actor. Instead, he's annoying rather than intimidating; dumb rather than deep; an irritating yapper rather than the moral voice of the film. Perhaps if Pitt and Norton had switched parts, it might have worked. After all, we don't feel anything for Tyler Durden and we care far too much about Norton's narrator.
But here's the only recourse. I hope David Fincher sits in a crowded movie theater a few times over the next couple weeks to watch audience reaction to his film. Maybe he'll realize that Fight Club isn't as "funny" as he thinks it is.
Maybe he'll realize that biting satire often blurs into the irresponsible. Maybe he'll realize he took the "traumatized male" theme one step too far. Or maybe he's still mesmerized by the sheer brutality of it all--the glistening blood spattered on the wall. He's so enthralled by its color, its undeniable immediacy, that he can't see its indelible pattern.
And even more dangerously, he can't tell whose blood it is. Sometimes, for variety, they beat up themselves. It's macho porn -- the sex movie Hollywood has been moving toward for years, in which eroticism between the sexes is replaced by all-guy locker-room fights. Women, who have had a lifetime of practice at dealing with little-boy posturing, will instinctively see through it; men may get off on the testosterone rush.
The fact that it is very well made and has a great first act certainly clouds the issue. Edward Norton stars as a depressed urban loner filled up to here with angst. He describes his world in dialogue of sardonic social satire. His life and job are driving him crazy. As a means of dealing with his pain, he seeks out step meetings, where he can hug those less fortunate than himself and find catharsis in their suffering.
It is not without irony that the first meeting he attends is for post-surgical victims of testicular cancer, since the whole movie is about guys afraid of losing their cojones. Only gradually are the final outlines of his master plan revealed. Is Tyler Durden in fact a leader of men with a useful philosophy?